Referential Subject and Object Gaps in Modern Icelandic

This paper investigates the nature of subject and object gaps in coordinate structures in Modern Icelandic. Modern Icelandic is considered to be a semi-pro-drop language, since it generally licenses only generic null subjects; object gaps only occur in the form of topic drop. Nevertheless it has been argued that MI licenses referential subject pro as well as referential object pro in certain (tightly restricted) contexts. This assumption is based on the existence of coordinating constructions that exhibit referential subject and object gaps at the same time. While this paper follows previous proposals in assuming subject pro to be licit in coordinate structures, object argument gaps are assumed to be object-topic drop, which is independetly needed in the grammar of Icelandic. Under the analysis presented here, the previously reported null subject condition on null objects falls out from Icelandic word order facts

Functional Linear Mixed Models for Irregularly or Sparsely Sampled Data

We propose an estimation approach to analyse correlated functional data which are observed on unequal grids or even sparsely. The model we use is a functional linear mixed model, a functional analogue of the linear mixed model. Estimation is based on dimension reduction via functional principal component analysis and on mixed model methodology. Our procedure allows the decomposition of the variability in the data as well as the estimation of mean effects of interest and borrows strength across curves. Confidence bands for mean effects can be constructed conditional on estimated principal components. We provide R-code implementing our approach. The method is motivated by and applied to data from speech production research

Articulatory and Acoustic Characteristics of German Fricative Clusters

Background: We investigate the articulatory-acoustic relationship in German fricative sequences. We pursue the possibility that /f/#sibilant and /s#integral/ sequences are in principle subject to articulatory overlap in a similar fashion, yet due to independent articulators being involved, there is a significant difference in the acoustic consequences. We also investigate the role of vowel context and stress. Methods: We recorded electropalatographic and acoustic data from 9 native speakers of German. Results: Results are compatible with the hypothesis that the temporal organization of fricative clusters is globally independent of cluster type with differences between clusters appearing mainly in degree. Articulatory overlap may be obscured acoustically by a labiodental constriction, similarly to what has been reported for stops. Conclusion: Our data suggest that similar principles of articulatory coordination underlie German fricative clusters independently of their segmental composition. The general auditory-acoustic patterning of the fricative sequences can be predicted by taking into account that aerodynamic-acoustic consequences of gestural overlap may vary as a function of the articulators involved. We discuss possible sources for differences in degrees of overlap and place our results in the context of previously reported asymmetries among the fricatives in regressive place assimilation. (C) 2016 S. Karger AG, Base

Investigating the asymmetry of English sibilant assimilation: Acoustic and EPG data

We present tongue-palate contact (EPG) and acoustic data on English sibilant assimilation, with a particular focus on the asymmetry arising from the order of the sibilants. It is generally known that /s# / sequences may display varying degrees of regressive assimilation in fluent speech, yet for / #s/ it is widely assumed that no assimilation takes place, although the empirical content of this assumption has rarely been investigated nor a clear theoretical explanation proposed. We systematically compare the two sibilant orders in word-boundary clusters. Our data show that /s# / sequences assimilate frequently and this assimilation is strictly regressive. The assimilated sequence may be indistinguishable from a homorganic control sequence by our measures, or it can be characterized by measurement values intermediate to those typical for / / or /s/. / #s/ sequences may also show regressive assimilation, albeit less frequently and to a lesser degree. Assimilated / #s/ sequences are always distinguishable from /s#s/ sequences. In a few cases, we identify progressive assimilation for / #s/. We discuss how to account for the differences in degree of assimilation, and we propose that the order asymmetry may arise from the different articulatory control structures employed for the two sibilants in conjunction with phonotactic probability effects.casl2pub2269pub

Conditioning factors in external sandhi : an EPG study of English /l/ vocalisation.

English l-sandhi involves an allophonic alternation in alveolar contact for word-final /l/ in connected speech [4]. EPG data for five Scottish Standard English and five Southern Standard British English speakers shows that there is individual and dialectal variation in contact patterns. We analysed vocalisation rate (% of tokens with no alveolar contact) and the area of any residual alveolar contact. Word-final /l/ contact is, to some extent, onset-like before vowel-initial words and coda-like before words with a labial onset C. If the vowel has a glottal attack, however, or the onset C is /h/, sandhi is less predictable, suggesting that resyllabification is insufficient as a mechanism for conditioning tongue tip behaviour of word final /l/.casl[1] Browman, C. & Goldstein, L. 1995. Gestural syllable position effects in American English, Producing Speech: Contemporary Issues, F. Bell-Berti & L.J. Raphael, eds. AIP Press: Woodbury, NY. 19-33. [2] Giles, S.B. & Moll, K.L., 1975. Cinefluorographic study of selected allophones of English /l/. Phonetica, 31, 206- 227. [3] Hardcastle, W. & Barry, W., 1989. Articulatory and perceptual factors in /l/ vocalisations in English. Journal of the IPA, 15, 3-17. [4] Scobbie, J. & Wrench, A., 2003. An articulatory investigation of word-final /l/ and /l/-sandhi in three dialects of English. Proc. XVth ICPhS, 1871-1874. [5] Sproat, R. & Fujimura, O., 1993. Allophonic variation in English /l/ and its implications for phonetic implementation. JPhon, 21, 291-311. [6] Wrench, A., 2000. A multi-channel/multi-speaker articulatory database for continuous speech recognition research. Phonus, 5, 1-13.pub44pu